Founded in 1909, it was at the center of nearly every battle for the rights and dignity of African Americans in the twentieth century. Of course, the trial court found that the new school provided an education equal to that provided by the state university. The NAACP's long battle against de jure segregation culminated in the Supreme Court's landmark Brown v.Board of Education decision, which overturned the "separate but equal" doctrine. A white lawyer, Moorfield Storey, became the NAACPs first president. After the meeting, Gardner introduced himself and met with Houston later that night. The key to the cases lay in the innovative use of expert testimony to establish the psychological harm that segregation inflicted on African-American schoolchildren. By now it was February 1948, and Heman Sweatt's fight to pursue a legal education at the University of Texas had gone on two years. Affirmative action programs exist to try to increase the number of minority students admitted to universities or minority employees hired by firms. The combination grade school-high school in Claymont served about 400 white students. In his Bakke dissent, he wrote: In light of the sorry history of discrimination and its devastating impact on the lives of Negroes, bringing the Negro into the mainstream of American life should be a state interest of the highest order. Walter White, Executive Director of the NAACP, over the use of the Garland Fund grant. Most of the library's books had yet to be delivered to the new law school, and there was no full-time librarian; the University of Texas had over 65,000 volumes. Immediately after graduation, Marshall opened a law office in Baltimore, and in the early 1930s, he represented the local NAACP chapter in a successful lawsuit that challenged the University of Maryland Law School over its segregation policy. In the atmosphere of the 1930s, and indeed for a long time after, any effort that seemed like it was directed at the integration of primary or secondary education would raise an emotional and political firestorm. American attitudes toward race had changed since Plessy in 1896, and, in key areas, NAACP attorneys were striking blows against racial discrimination and gaining valuable legal experience along the way. Five of the seven movie theaters were relegated to whites only, and a sixth was for blacks; the seventh allowed both races, but blacks were consigned to the balcony. It would crusade against lynching and offer legal assistance to defend black people mistreated in criminal court. Private schools in southern communities that originally started out as "Seg Academies," institutions founded to allow white students to avoid integrated public schools, now routinely enroll black students. The absence of a law review or moot courtroom meant that critical cocurricular components of a law school education were not provided. The NAACP filed suit in state court on Sweatt's behalf. HISTORY reviews and updates its content regularly to ensure it is complete and accurate. The Court had not explicitly overruled Plessy v. Ferguson; indeed, the Court was quite clear on that point. The new postwar racial atmosphere helped bring the civil rights organization important allies who agreed with their stand. In representing Sweatt before the Supreme Court, Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall made the same three-part argument that had been rejected by the Texas Court of Civil Appeals. Houston was a man of extraordinary brilliance. The Clarks' findings were corroborated by separate studies performed by other psychologists. Even if he had received a scholarship, the court found that Murray would still be at a significant disadvantage because of the added costs of commuting or relocating. Eventually, six cases would be consolidated and collectively known as Brown v. Board of Education. No two of these cases were argued by the exact same legal team. Redding was a graduate of Brown University and Harvard Law School and was admitted to practice in Delaware in 1929. Hill and Robinson met with the striking students and were impressed by their resolve. In that event, two Black men being held in a Springfield jail for alleged crimes against white people were surreptitiously transferred to a jail in another city, spurring a white mob to burn down 40 homes in Springfields Black residential district, ransack local businesses and murder two Blacks. The NAACP's fight against segregated education--the first public interest litigation campaign--culminated in the 1954 Brown decision. Wiki User. The NAACP argued that there was no "valid legislative end" that justified racial segregation, that segregation was arbitrary and irrational. But there was an opening to diminish its importance and pave the way to its undoing. The results were familiar. Furthermore, because of the rapid growth in the city's black population during World War II, housing conditions in poor communities were deplorable, and black schools were inferior to white schools. Those wartime experiences left an indelible impression on the young Houston, creating, as he indicated, a determination to strike back at racial oppression: "The hate and scorn showered on us Negro officers by our fellow Americans convinced me that there was no sense in my dying for a world ruled by them. At the same time, NAACP members were subject to harassment and violence. Articles with the HISTORY.com Editors byline have been written or edited by the HISTORY.com editors, including Amanda Onion, Missy Sullivan and Matt Mullen. In 1910, Oklahoma passed a constitutional amendment allowing people whose grandfathers had been eligible to vote in 1866 to register without passing a literacy test. Though the facilities for black elementary children were older, they were the rough equivalent of their white counterparts' facilities. His application evidently got more than routine notice and rejection. They picked the white doll when asked which was the "nice" one or the one they preferred to play with. Job opportunities were the primary focus of the National Urban League, which was established in 1910. He concluded that efforts to equalize facilities between black and white schools should continue, but he also recognized (as Margold did) that victories in such cases could cause problems for the long-term goal of eliminating segregation. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, or NAACP, is America's oldest and largest civil rights organization. It would do so in large part because the NAACP early on recognized that the courts, despite their racial conservatism, were a potentially potent weapon in the battle for racial change. Nonetheless, understanding the risk, he joined with the other conference members to support a resolution declaring that all future education cases would be aimed directly at segregation, not merely at the inequalities between black and white schools. But the law has found the system of structural inequality a more vexing problem. Marshall had traditionally been cautious. The first case originated in Clarendon County, S.C. That county maintained a system of grossly unequal segregated schools. One of the organization's key victories was the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education that outlawed segregation in public schools. It left blacks and whites ignorant of one another, "prevent[ing] the student from the full, effective and economical understand[ing of] the nature and capacity of the group from which he is segregated." At Harvard he compiled a brilliant record, graduating in the top five percent of his class and serving as the first Negro editor of the Harvard Law Review. The national office was established in New York City in 1910 as well as a board of directors and president, Moorfield Storey, a white constitutional lawyer and former president of the American Bar Association. Google memorializes the Silent Parade when 10,000 black people protested lynchings. The organization was led from 1929 to 1955 by Walter White, a mixed-race journalist and activist who spearheaded the groups participation in the Scottsboro Boys trial, race riot investigations and anti-lynching campaigns. The school was well equipped, and the grounds were beautifully landscaped. What was the NAACP and what did it do? Still, state officials recognized that they were on shaky ground, that appellate courts would be more skeptical. The decision in the school desegregation cases was announced on May 17, 1954, to an overflowing courtroom. The decision would become a catalyst for profound changes in legal norms. The annual expenditures for these schools were $673,850. The Negro university had only five part-time members and a tiny student body. The expert witnesses would force the judges to grapple with the realities of segregation. Here it is important to note that judges, of course, know a great deal about law schools and how to compare them. The NAACP will seek to safe guard the moral and tenure rights of Negro teachers in the assignment of personnel in desegregated systems. The NAACP works to remove all barriers of racial discrimination through democratic processes. Houston also made the law school library a depository for files on civil rights litigation from around the nation. After Gardner explained the problems with the high school, Houston agreed to represent Gardner's group. That record included evidence related to the tangible differences between the black and white law schools, the differences in physical plant, financial resources, numbers of professors, books in the library, and the like. A third of the city's Afro-American population was employed by the federal government. Du Bois, Ida B. Louis Redding, a black civil rights lawyer, represented the plaintiffs in the Delaware cases. While practicing law in Washington, D.C., Houston taught law part-time at Howard University Law School. An effective way to demonstrate this is to search terms using the search engine on the NAACP's website. The experiments consistently showed that the participating black children preferred the white dolls. No matter how much money the state might spend at the black law school, how many faculty members the state might add, how large the student body might grow, or how large the library holdings might become, the qualitative differences in the intangibles associated with the two schools meant that to deny Heman Sweatt admission to the University of Texas was unconstitutional. A.They were killed at the same time as the Ripper's victims in London B.The last names of the victims were spelling out "Ripper" C.The all had children born the same month as Carver D.The women had all been adopted when they were young children But Brown was not self-executing. Marshall, who founded the LDF in 1940, won a number of other important civil rights cases involving issues such as voting rights and discriminatory housing practices. Between 1936 and 1940, the NAACP had notable success in Maryland with lowsuits and negotiated settlements designed to equalize the pay of Negro and white teachers. The aim was to produce, in the words of the conference report, "education on a nonsegregated basis that no relief other than that will be acceptable.". The NAACP was far from certain that it could win a similar ruling on elementary and secondary schools. He was an ordinary citizen who was angered that his daughter had to travel each day past a modern, fully equipped white school to a black school housed in a deteriorated building. The NAACP played a pivotal role in the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Leland B. Ware is Louis L. Redding Chair for the Study of Law and Public Policy at the University of Delaware. He believed that cases involving segregated public schools were cases that the NAACP could not afford to lose, as they would set devastating precedents. Reflecting what had become the new thinking on race in the social sciences after the Second World War, Redfield further testified that scholars had recently become "compelled" to the conclusion that there were no "inherent differences in intellectual ability or capacity to learn between Negroes and whites," and that should any such differences be "later shown to exist, they will not prove to be significant for any educational policy or practice." If they were intellectually honest, they could not, on the basis of the extensive evidence presented, rule that segregated schools wereor could ever beequal. What strategy did the NAACP use to try to end segregation See answers Advertisement andriansp I believe the answer is: arguing legal cases in court When minority workers felt that they've been discriminated in the workplace, they can contact NAACP and asked for assistance. With America's entry into the First World War, Houston joined the NAACP in lobbying for a program to train black officers for the wartime National Army. Thurgood Marshall was an influential leader of the civil rights movement whose tremendous legacylives on in the pursuit of racial justice. Solicitor General Philip Perlman filed an amicus brief supporting the NAACP's position on behalf of the Truman administration. In addition, he successfully brought lawsuits that integrated other state universities. His legacy cannot be overstated: he worked diligently and tirelessly to end what was Americas official doctrine of separate-but-equal. Members of the civil rights movement would find themselves confronting recalcitrant clerks at voter registration offices and gun-toting drivers enforcing segregation on municipal buses. Both were trained at Howard Law School during the years that Charles Houston was dean. After founding the NAACP Legal Defense Fund in 1940, Marshall became the key strategist in the effort to end racial segregation, in particular meticulously challenging Plessy v. Ferguson, the Court-sanctioned legal doctrine that called for separate but equal structures for white and Black people. So Marshall matriculated to Howard University Law School where he graduated first in his class and met his mentor, Charles Hamilton Huston, with whom he enjoyed a lifelong friendship. If the Court had ended its analysis there, the Sweatt case would have been just another case upholding the separate but equal doctrine. The issue was whether the state had chosen a proper method by which equal treatment would be maintained. But if Brown proclaimed that that idea was unconstitutional, the decision hardly ended racial discrimination, even state-sponsored discrimination. Who Appointed Thurgood Marshall to the Supreme Court? The rejection letter informed him that he could request that the state of Texas establish a law school for Negroes. Between 1933 and 1934, nine Afro-Americans had applied to the school in Baltimore and had been denied admission because of race. These included: 1. Both he and the NAACP refused to disappear. He was immediately rejected. Racist demagogues were sure to charge that black and white children attending elementary and secondary schools together would lead to the dreaded scourge of race mixing. The jurists would be caught in a difficult analytical box from which there could be no escape. In 1967, he became the first Black Supreme Court justice. But there were far fewer graduate and professional programs and, therefore, fewer targets for a concentrated litigation effort. Wells, Archibald Grimke and Mary Church Terrell. The alumni of the University of Texas School of Law were large in number and wielded a great deal of power and influence throughout the Lone Star State and beyond. This testimony, and the studies on which it was based, became a key element of the NAACP's evidence in the desegregation cases. The British prime minister observed: "This is not the end, no it is not even the beginning of the end, but it is perhaps the end of the beginning." Early in its fight for equality, the NAACP used the federal courts to challenge disenfranchisement and residential segregation. Few in the modern behavioral or biological sciences support the kind of scientific racism that was heartily championed at the best universities a century ago. Gardner's group initiated a boycott of a black high school that was overcrowded and in a state of severe disrepair. But that is only part of the story. We strive for accuracy and fairness. The group also has pushed for the removal of Confederate flags and statues from public property. And there was more. Elementary schools were segregated, as the junior high school had been until 1941 litigation ended the practice. The trial court opinion stated that state officials were under no obligation to admit him to the University of Texas. If that was done, it would be too easy for a peculiar set of facts, a shrewdly litigated defense case, or a clever and obstinate judge to thwart the NAACP's efforts. If the First Amendment means anything, it means that a state has no business telling a man, sitting alone in his own house, what books he may read or what films he may watch; and Bounds v. Smith, which held that state prison systems must provide their inmates with adequate law libraries or adequate assistance from persons trained in the law.. Maryland looked like it might provide fertile ground for such an effort. The Legal Strategy That Brought Down "Separate but Equal" by Toppling School Segregation, By Robert J. Cottrol, Raymond T. Diamond, and Leland B. Ware, Paraprofessionals & school-related personnel, Standing united to protect immigrant rights, DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals), Safe and welcoming public schools for all, AFT resources for organizing and back to school programs. Along the way, the civil rights movement would encounter every conceivable kind of resistance from unofficial and official quarters, but it would succeed in winning over new supporters. Learn more about the Institutes vision and their fight to continue Thurgood Marshalls honorable mission for racial justice. That might work. The Court had interpreted that clause to mean that no state action not grounded in a rational basis could stand constitutional muster. NAACP units throughout the country. As a result of class divisions within the African-American community, Gardner's group formed separately from the school's PTA, which was dominated by middle-class blacks. For these reasons, Houston decided that while the NAACP should continue its efforts to create a Hobson's Choice for school districts by bringing facility and salary equalization suits, it should also add a new, perhaps more promising, focus: desegregation in graduate and professional schools. Civil rights and social change came about through meticulous and persistent litigation efforts, at the forefront of which stood Thurgood Marshall and the Legal Defense Fund. Segregation continues. The attorneys agreed to represent the students not in a case to equalize the facilities, but in a case to desegregate the schools. Four days before the boycott began, Rosa Parks . By any concrete measure, the law school at the Texas State University for Negroes was a laughable substitute for the one at the University of Texas. How did naacp use litigation? During the civil rights era in the 1950s and 1960s, the group won major legal victories, and today the NAACP has more than 2,200 branches and some half a million members worldwide. The District of Columbia's desegregation case began when a local barber, Bishop Gardner, organized the Consolidated Parents Group. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), interracial American organization created to work for the abolition of segregation and discrimination in housing, education, employment, voting, and transportation; to oppose racism; and to ensure African Americans their constitutional rights. Racial restrictions, even of the most damaging kind, might be upheld, though only under "the most rigid scrutiny." The small number of students might have meant a smaller teacher-student ratio, but it also meant an inferior education. It did so in the hopes of dealing a fatal blow to segregation under the equal protection clause. But professional schools were another matter. Howard still called for integration. It was surrounded by factories and warehouses. The mayor and businesses were eager to end the pickets and boycotts that had hurt the bottom line for months. His strategy was part direct, part circumspect. The case bearing the name by which the school desegregation cases are remembered began in 1948 when the Topeka, Kan., branch of the NAACP petitioned the local school board to desegregate the public schools. It was clear to the court that to entirely deny blacks the opportunity for a state-sponsored legal education when whites were provided one would violate the formula laid down by Plessy, but that was not the issue here. The NAACP was established to: End racial segregation Bring about social justice Create equal opportunities for colored peop le. Segregation in graduate and professional education was as common in the South as segregation in elementary and secondary schools. The University of Maryland's law school was only open to whites. What was "more important" than those factors capable of measurement were "those qualities that are incapable of measurement, but which make for greatness in a law school. He did get through. He found that plaintiff in Heman Sweatt. (1952) and Gebbart v. Bulah (1952). If the tangible measures of inequality revealed stark differences in resources between the two institutions, there were harder to measure, intangible factors that also marked the black schools inferiority. In effect, segregated education was bad education, for while education is meant to enlighten, segregation instead "intensifies suspicion and distrust between Negroes and whites, and suspicion and distrust are not favorable conditions for the acquisition and conduct of an education, or for the discharge of the duties of a citizen." The NAACP also benefited from supporting amicus briefs filed by the American Federation of Teachers, the Committee of Law Teachers Against Segregation in Legal Education, the American Veterans Committee, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the Japanese American Citizens League, and the American Civil Liberties Union. After describing the importance of education to a democratic society, the Court framed the issue as whether "segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race deprives the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities." They would challenge segregation at small-town lunch counters and risk their lives on the often dangerous back roads of the rural South. Chinese Which of the following is a Latino rights group? Give me the doll that looks bad.4. Some early members of the organization, which included suffragists, social workers, journalists, labor reformers, intellectuals and others, had been involved in the Niagara Movement, a civil rights group started in 1905 and led by Du Bois, a sociologist and writer. When Oliver Brown became the lead plaintiff in Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka and the state of Kansas had a schizophrenic attitude about its Negro population. Marshall graduated from Lincoln University in 1930 and applied to University of Maryland Law School he was denied admission because the school was still segregated at that time. The group is also celebrated for its Image Awards, given to those who excel in the arts and media, Theater Awards for the dramatic arts and Spingarn Medals for outstanding work by Black leaders in any field. Which the city did four years before the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Like Houston, Murray was a graduate of Amherst College, and, by any standard, qualified for admission to the University of Maryland Law School. , which he argued before the Supreme Court in 1952 and 1953, finally overturning separate but equal and acknowledging that segregation greatly diminished students self-esteem. This happened because the NAACP chose a strategy of litigation and, later, lobbying, that lost favor as African Americans and their allies turned to direct action as a strategy. It has lessened to be sure, but African Americans remain the most segregated of the racial and ethnic groups in the United States, with the exception of Indians on reservations. It could also offer the courts the alternative argument that even if the courts did not agree that segregation was inherently unconstitutional, it was nonetheless unconstitutional in actual practice. The Court had reiterated its frequent admonishment that it "will decide constitutional questions only when necessary to the disposition of the case, and that such decisions will be drawn as narrowly as possible." What strategies did the naacp use for civil rights? U.S. House of Representatives. What strategy did the NAACP use to try and end segregation? Our History. In 2009, the year he became Americas first Black president, Barack Obama spoke at a celebration of the NAACPs 100th anniversary. One of his great-grandfathers had been taken as a slave from the Congo to Maryland where he was eventually freed. Few people attended them. By 2022, the NAACP had more than 2,200 branches and more than half a million members worldwide. Photographs and illustrations, as well as text, cannot be used without permission from the AFT. Library of Congress. Marshall founded LDF in 1940 and served as its first Director-Counsel. Increasingly, access to the courts . Four years later, he was appointed by President Johnson to be solicitor general, and in 1967 President Johnson nominated him to the Supreme Court to which he commented: I have a lifetime appointment and I intend to serve it. I made up my mind that if I got through this war I would study law and use my time fighting for men who could not strike back.". The political opposition would be intense, perhaps fatal. The boycott took place from December 5, 1955, to December 20, 1956, and is regarded as the first large-scale U.S. demonstration against segregation. v. Belton et al. Such an approach would invite, in his words, "intense opposition, ill-will and strife." HISTORY.com works with a wide range of writers and editors to create accurate and informative content. The What strategy did the naacp use to end segregation? Instead different cases would be brought in several districts, in different regions of the South, and in other regions as well. All rights reserved. Du Bois, the NAACP would take the bully pulpit to push for the abolition of segregation and racial caste distinctions, and it would fight for open and equal access to education and employment for Negroes. When Did Thurgood Marshall Establish LDF? There were those who were pleased with the new progress and reluctant to give up what had been a successful campaign. Even if one suspects that a significant portion of the responses to social surveys should be discounted as people telling the pollsters the "right" or "socially acceptable" answer, the fact that tolerance for interracial marriage or transracial adoption has become the "right" answer in the last half century itself reflects a profound cultural change. The small size of the Negro law school's faculty meant that its curriculum lacked both breadth and depth. The Court saw significant differences between the University of Texas and the Texas State University for Negroes in the number of faculty, the breadth and depth of course offerings, the size of the student body, the size and scope of the library, and the availability of cocurricular offerings. The strategy NAACP use to try to end segregation is: "Separate but Equal" by Toppling School Segregation. He established the first course in civil rights law taught at an American law school. The first part of that argument was based on the equal protection clause. Prairie View's new law school was a poor excuse for equal education, indeed even for good education. While these cases did not end segregation in Virginia schools, they allowed NAACP lawyers to gain more experience litigating cases, and also marked a . But it lacks the kind of official support that it had in generations past. Moreover, the liberalization of racial attitudes that started becoming part of American culture before the Second World War, a liberalization that provided an important, perhaps critical backdrop to the Brown decision, has continued. There was no library. The judge was the same one who had held that the vastly inferior Prairie View school was equal. Like Donald Murray, Marshall was a Baltimore native. Belton arose in Claymont, a suburb a few miles north of Wilmington. The state legislature had passed a statute in response to Murray's lawsuit. The Legal Strategy That Brought Down "Separate but Equal" by Toppling School Segregation. Nonetheless, the trial court found that the Jim Crow law school provided a legal education that was equal to that provided by the University of Texas. Could request that the state legislature had passed a statute in response to 's. Marshall was a Baltimore native interpreted that clause to mean that no state action not grounded in a case desegregate. 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